The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered one of the most significant holders of that position in the nation's history. Although many vice-presidents were limited to minor or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently referring to him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the downing of any unresponsive aircraft heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney said the strikes transformed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of detainees captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on faulty intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do back then. I had faith at the time and I maintain that stance now."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and recklessness: potentially, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating striking Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were either weak or entirely misleading. He supported what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and create procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by critics such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his lair? It's a effective way to work, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him through his period as VP. Although he had little experience in commerce but good contacts in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US deals valued at substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation rose from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to over four million. When he left in 2000 he had a package worth more than $20m|twenty
